Local Characteristics Shape the Intended Political Behaviours of Adolescents.

Among the different factors that predict political participation, the characteristics of the local community are often described. The types and the intensity of political participation differ in urban and rural communities. The local community provides social and cultural resources for political participation and at the same time acts as a driver of political socialisation. The political attitudes of adolescents differ depending on the characteristics of the communities in which they live, i.e. the local context of their political socialisation. This paper describes the context of the political socialisation of adolescents in the German federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW) in terms of geographical differences in socioeconomic, sociostructural, and sociocultural characteristics. The approach uses public databases to construct indicators that describe administrative districts in terms of their degree of urbanisation, degree of aggregated individual wealth, and variety of opportunity. These indicators were merged with the NRW subset of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS 2016), which comprises N = 1451 students in N = 59 schools. Neither the degree of urbanisation nor the degree of aggregated individual wealth was suitable for explaining differences in the intended political behaviour of secondary school students in the 8th grade in NRW. However, the higher the variety of opportunity in a certain district, the less frequently students intend to participate in elections as adults. Also, the higher the measure, the more frequently students intend to participate in illegal protest activities. Apparently certain local environments mobilise intentions to participate in protest activities and suppress more conventional political activities.

Perceptions of Violent National-Political Protest among Arabs Living in Israel: A Pilot Study.

This pilot study examines the perceptions of Arabs living in Israel (ALI) regarding violent national-political protests (VNPP). ALI, exposed to VNPP by organizations of their own ethnic minority, are trapped in a political and cultural conflict between their state and their nation. Qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews with 15 Muslim ALI identified four possible groups presenting four types of VNPP perceptions: (a) justifiers, who regard VNPP as a legitimate means of protecting the Palestinians and who profess Palestinian identity; (b) opponents, who strongly condemn VNPP and who profess Israeli identity; (c) those understanding but disagreeing with VNPP, professing a dual Palestinian-Israeli identity; and (d) the ambivalents, representing people with internal conflicts and mixed feelings regarding the Palestinian VNPP and their own identity. The study contributes to the understanding of how a group of ALI perceives the Palestinian VNPP, and implies that this population consists of different groups, each with its own unique identity.

A ira e as emoções positivas no protesto político / Anger and positive emotions in political protest / La ira y las emociones positivas en la protesta política / Colère et émotions positives en protestation politique

Este estudo analisa o papel das emoções no protesto político. Nos modelos atuais, a ira é a única emoção que se associa a essas ações. No entanto, os autores consideram que não é a única emoção que mobiliza a cidadania, por isso afirmam que junto a ela devem existir outras de valência positiva. Nesta pesquisa participaram 316 estudantes universitários, aos quais se perguntou sobre sua intenção de mobilizar-se contra os cortes na educação. Os resultados mostram que a ira se correlaciona de maneira significativa com as emoções positivas. Ademais, a análise de mediação demonstra a relevância das emoções positivas para explicar as intenções de protesto e que a influência da ira sobre a intenção de participar se realiza fundamentalmente através das emoções positivas. Discute-se o papel das emoções e a necessidade de ampliar os motivos de participação.

This study analyses the role played by emotions in protest. In the current explanatory models, anger is the sole emotion associated with these actions. But is anger the only emotion capable of mobilising citizens to defenda cause? We believe not. Hence, we postulate that anger, along with other emotions of positive valence, must act jointly to facilitate protest. To test this hypothesis, a questionnaire was applied to 316 university students in a setting of cut-backs in education. The results highlight several interesting aspects. Firstly, anger correlated significantly and positively with the positive emotions. Secondly, the mediation analysis performed showed: a) the relevance of positive emotions for explaining the intention to participate; and b) the influence of anger on the intention to participate is fundamentally through positive emotions. We will also discuss the role of emotions and the need to extend the motives involved in political actions.

En este estudio se analiza el papel de las emociones en la protesta política. En los modelos actuales, la ira es la única emoción que se asocia a esas acciones. Sin embargo, los autores creen que no es la única emoción que moviliza a la ciudadanía, por ello afirman que junto a ella deben existir otras de valencia positiva. En este estudio participaron 316 estudiantes universitarios a los que se les preguntó por su intención de movilizarse en contra de los recortes en educación. Los resultados muestran que la ira correlaciona de manera significativa con las emociones positivas. Además el análisis de mediación muestra la relevancia de las emociones positivas para explicar las intenciones de protesta y que la influencia de la ira sobre la intención de participar se realiza fundamentalmente a través de las emociones positivas. Se discute el papel de las emociones y la necesidad de ampliar los motivos de participación.

Dans cette étude, le rôle des émotions dans la contestation politique est analysé. Dans les modèles actuels, la colère est la seule émotion associée à ces actions. Cependant, les auteurs estiment que ce n 'est pas la seule émotion qui mobilise le public. Ils affirment donc qu 'il doit exister d 'autres émotions de valence positive. Cette étude a été menée auprès de 316 étudiants d'université interrogés sur leur intention de se mobiliser contre les coupes dans le secteur de l'éducation. Les résultats montrent que la colère est significativement corrélée aux émotions positives. En outre, l 'analyse de la médiation montre la pertinence des émotions positives pour expliquer les intentions de protestation et que l 'influence de la colère sur l 'intention de participer réside principalement dans les émotions positives. Le rôle des émotions et la nécessité d'élargir les raisons de la participation sont discutés.

High-Stakes Decision-Making Within Complex Social Environments: A Computational Model of Belief Systems in the Arab Spring.

People experiencing similar conditions may make different decisions, and their belief systems provide insight about these differences. An example of high-stakes decision-making within a complex social context is the Arab Spring, in which large numbers of people decided to protest and even larger numbers decided to stay at home. This study uses qualitative analyses of interview narratives and social media addressing individual decisions to develop a computational model tracing the cognitive decision-making process. The model builds on work by Abelson and Carroll (1965), Schank and Abelson ( a1977), and Axelrod (1976) to systematically trace the inferences connecting beliefs to decisions. The findings show that protest decisions were often based on positive emotions such as pride, hope, courage, and solidarity, triggered by beliefs about successful protest and self-sacrifice. By contrast, decisions to stay at home were triggered by beliefs about safety, state approval, and living conditions. As one participant said, "When I heard about the revolution in Tunisia, my heart was filled with solidarity for the people." In the words of a non-participant: "When people are killed, we must be careful. There are more important things than protest: safety and stability." This study of individual explanations about events identifies the role of emotions in high-stakes decision-making within complex social environments.

From 'the effect of repression' toward 'the response to repression'.

Scholars have long been interested in explaining the effect of state repression on political participation. Recent reviews of research on state repression highlighted contradictory findings about this effect, yet the core question is still debated: what accounts for the variation in the effects of repression? This article posits that, to make sense of the variation in repression's effect on political participation, theorization needs to move toward predictions about individuals' responses to repression. The article, thus, attempts to lay the foundations for such theorization by reviewing the scholarship on the relationship between repression and political participation through the lens of the strategic choices individuals can make. Seeing individuals as having agency and shifting focus to their responses to repression (1) offers a broader picture of the activities available to discontented people under repression and (2) provides a better account of the contentious politics occurring under repression. A number of strategies in response to repression are identified. The notion of 'choice points' is applied to formulate hypotheses about why or under what conditions people choose a particular strategy in response to repression. In doing so, this article outlines new avenues for empirical research on repression.

Les spécialistes cherchent depuis longtemps à expliquer les effets de la répression exercée par l'État sur la participation politique. Des recensions récentes de la recherche sur la répression exercée par l'État ont fait apparaître des conclusions contradictoires quant à ces effets. Mais la question fondamentale continue à faire l'objet de débats : comment expliquer les variations observées dans les effets de la répression ? Dans cet article, nous suggérons que pour comprendre de manière théorique les variations des effets de la répression sur la participation politique, il est nécessaire de pouvoir prédire les réponses des individus à cette répression. Nous tentons par conséquent dans cet article de poser les fondements d'une telle théorisation en passant en revue les travaux sur le rapport entre répression et participation politique du point de vue des choix stratégiques que peuvent faire les individus. Le fait de considérer les individus comme des agents et de déplacer le centre d'attention sur leurs réponses à la répression (1) permet d'offrir un tableau plus complet des activités disponibles pour les contestataires dans un contexte répressif et (2) de mieux appréhender les activités politiques contestataires qui se produisent dans un climat de répression. Un certain nombre de stratégies déployées en réaction à la répression sont identifiées. La notion de choice points (points d'inflexion) est employée pour formuler des hypothèses sur les raisons pour lesquelles ou les conditions dans lesquelles les gens choisissent telle ou telle stratégie face à la répression. L'article permet ainsi d'esquisser de nouvelles voies de recherche empirique sur la répression.

Hace mucho tiempo que los investigadores están interesados en explicar el efecto de la represión estatal sobre la participación política. Revisiones recientes de la literatura sobre represión estatal han destacado los hallazgos contradictorios sobre dicho efecto. Sin embargo, la cuestión central es objeto de debate todavía: ¿qué explica la variación en los efectos de la represión? Este artículo postula que, para explicar la variación en el efecto de la represión sobre la participación política, la teorización necesita dar un paso adelante y hacer predicciones sobre las respuestas de los individuos a la represión. Este artículo intenta, por tanto, sentar las bases de dicha teorización revisando la literatura sobre la relación entre represión y participación política desde el punto de vista de las elecciones estratégicas que pueden hacer los individuos. El hecho de ver a los individuos como agentes y centrarse en sus respuestas a la represión (1) ofrece una imagen más amplia del repertorio de acciones disponibles para los disidentes sometidos a represión y (2) proporciona una mejor explicación de las actividades políticas de contestación que tienen lugar bajo la represión. Se identifican varias estrategias en respuesta a la represión. Se aplica la noción de 'puntos de elección' para formular hipótesis sobre por qué o bajo qué condiciones las personas eligen una estrategia particular de respuesta a la represión. De esta forma, el artículo abre nuevas vías para la investigación empírica sobre la represión.

Happy Protest Voters: The Case of Rotterdam 1997-2009.

Protest parties are on the rise in several European countries. This development is commonly attributed to a growing dissatisfaction with life and associated with declining quality of life in modern society of the lowest social strata. This explanation is tested in a cross-sectional analysis of voting and life-satisfaction in 63 districts of the city of Rotterdam in the Netherlands, where the share of protest voters increased from 10 % in 1994 to 31 % in 2009. Contrary to this explanation protest voting appeared not to be the most frequent in the least happy districts of Rotterdam, but in the medium happy segment. Also divergent from this explanation was that average happiness in city districts is largely independent of local living conditions, but is rather a matter of personal vulnerability in terms of education, income and health. These results fit alternative explanations in terms of middle class status anxiety.

Everyday politics, social practices and movement networks: daily life in Barcelona's social centres.

The relations between everyday life and political participation are of interest for much contemporary social science. Yet studies of social movement protest still pay disproportionate attention to moments of mobilization, and to movements with clear organizational boundaries, tactics and goals. Exceptions have explored collective identity, 'free spaces' and prefigurative politics, but such processes are framed as important only in accounting for movements in abeyance, or in explaining movement persistence. This article focuses on the social practices taking place in and around social movement spaces, showing that political meanings, knowledge and alternative forms of social organization are continually being developed and cultivated. Social centres in Barcelona, Spain, autonomous political spaces hosting cultural and educational events, protest campaigns and alternative living arrangements, are used as empirical case studies. Daily practices of food provisioning, distributing space and dividing labour are politicized and politicizing as they unfold and develop over time and through diverse networks around social centres. Following Melucci, such latent processes set the conditions for social movements and mobilization to occur. However, they not only underpin mobilization, but are themselves politically expressive and prefigurative, with multiple layers of latency and visibility identifiable in performances of practices. The variety of political forms - adversarial, expressive, theoretical, and routinized everyday practices, allow diverse identities, materialities and meanings to overlap in movement spaces, and help explain networks of mutual support between loosely knit networks of activists and non-activists. An approach which focuses on practices and networks rather than mobilization and collective actors, it is argued, helps show how everyday life and political protest are mutually constitutive.

Anger And Positive Emotions In Political Protest / Ira y emociones positivas en protestas políticas

This study analyses the role played by emotions in protest. In the current explanatory models, anger is the sole emotion associated with these actions. But is anger the only emotion capable of mobilising citizens to defend a cause? We believe not. Hence, we postulate that anger, along with other emotions of positive valence, must act jointly to facilitate protest. To test this hypothesis, a questionnaire was applied to 316 university students in a setting of cut-backs in education. The results highlight several interesting aspects. Firstly, anger correlated significantly and positively with the positive emotions. Secondly, the mediation analysis performed showed: a) the relevance of positive emotions for explaining the intention to participate; and b) the influence of anger on the intention to participate is fundamentally through positive emotions. We will also discuss the role of emotions and the need to extend the motives involved in political actions.

En este estudio se analiza el papel de las emociones en la protesta política. En los modelos actuales, la ira es la única emoción que se asocia a esas acciones. Sin embargo, los autores creen que no es la única emoción que moviliza a la ciudadanía, por ello afirman que junto a ella deben existir otras de valencia positiva. En este estudio participaron 316 estudiantes universitarios a los que se les preguntó por su intención de movilizarse en contra de los recortes en educación. Los resultados muestran que la ira correlaciona de manera significativa con las emociones positivas. Además el análisis de mediación muestra la relevancia de las emociones positivas para explicar las intenciones de protesta y que la influencia de la ira sobre la intención de participar se realiza fundamentalmente a través de las emociones positivas. Se discute el papel de las emociones y la necesidad de ampliar los motivos de participación.

Participação arriscada: manifestações e tumultos em regimes ditatoriais / High-risk political participation: demonstrations and riots under dictatorial regimes / Participation politique périlleuse: manifestations et troubles sous des régimes dictatoriaux

This article draws on a broad sample of countries to empirically test the different theories on dissent and protest in the context of authoritarian regimes, where such activities are generally repressed and are therefore risky. The empirical results of the longitudinal comparative analysis basically confirm the predictions of the rational economic approach to political protest as well as the explanatory power of structural factors, the relative deprivation theory, the political diffusion processes (at the regional level), the role of dictatorial institutions, and in part the resource mobilization theory. The empirical analysis also shows that non-violent participation is one of the main determinants of riots and that past protest is important in determining present protest (whatever its type).

Dans cet article, on contrôle de façon empirique, tout en utilisant un large échantillon de pays, les différentes théories sur dissension et protestation au coeur des régimes autoritaires, où ces activités sont souvent traquées et forcément périlleuses. Les résultats empiriques de l'analyse comparative longitudinale confirment les prévisions de l'approche économique rationnelle à propos de la protestation politique, ainsi que le pouvoir d'explication des facteurs structuraux, de la théorie de la privation relative, des processus de diffusion politique au niveau des régions, le rôle des institutions dictatoriales et, en partie, la théorie de la mobilisation des ressources. On voit aussi que la participation non violente est l'un des principaux déterminants des émeutes et que la protestation précédente détermine de façon décisive la protestation actuelle, quelle qu'elle soit.